Introduction
Long before Austenmania overtook America and
England in the mid-1990s, when major films and television
miniseries were produced of Jane Austen’s most popular novel,
Pride and Prejudice, and three other of the six novels
Austen completed as an adult, fans reported a private, proprietary
sense of “Jane,” as though the great English novelist were a close
acquaintance. Rudyard Kipling exploited this phenomenon in his
short story “The Janeites,” which describes several members of a
secret Jane Austen society, a group of soldiers in the trenches of
World War I, well versed in Austen trivia and gallant defenders of
“Jane” and the world she created. Both the jealously guarded
private fantasy and the recent popular cultural phenomenon may be
attributed in part to the enduring power of Austen’s genius as a
writer: her ability to create singular characters who linger in
one’s imagination, her unparalleled sense of irony and wit, her
brilliant dialogue, and her carefully woven plots. At the same
time, Austen delivers a satisfying romance, more so in Pride and
Prejudice than in her other novels, and the sheer happiness of
her main characters at the novel’s end has its own appeal.
Above all though, and in Pride and
Prejudice especially, Austen appeals to modern readers’
nostalgia for a world of social, moral, and economic stability, but
one where characters are free to make their own choices and pursue
their hearts’ desires. The formal civility, the carefully
prescribed manners, and sexual and social restraint, set against a
backdrop of village community, stately manor houses, and an English
landscape devoid of industrial turmoil and the brisk pace of modern
technology—these are a welcome escape for today’s reader. So, too,
the heroine Elizabeth Bennet’s bold independence and insistence on
placing individual preference above economic motive in marriage
satisfies our desire for a plot shaped through the pursuit of
personal fulfillment. A convention of morality tales of Austen’s
time is that individuals’ personal freedoms and aspirations cannot
be easily reconciled with their responsibilities to family and
community. Austen overcomes this difficulty by employing the
classic comic form: When wedding bells are about to ring at the
story’s conclusion, we know that the two sets of main characters
have made marriages of affection (Elizabeth’s sister Jane and Mr.
Bingley) or even passion (Elizabeth and Mr. Darcy) and that these
happy unions actually enhance the stability of society. That it
appears to the reader reasonable that Elizabeth follows her heart
and ends up fabulously wealthy attests to Austen’s powers of
crafting a story in which early hostilities and inappropriate
desires are deftly reconciled, and far more realistically so than
in comedies by Shakespeare, where happy resolutions must be
effected either by wildly improbable coincidences or supernatural
forces.
It is sometimes said that Austen’s gift was to be
a shrewd observer of her narrow, genteel social circle, that her
experience and knowledge of the world were limited and her life
sheltered, and that her novels realistically reflect the peaceful
late-eighteenth-and early-nineteenth century village community and
English countryside she inhabited. That Austen was a careful
observer of human motivation and social interaction is certainly
true. One should not assume, though, that her choice to write
novels of manners means that she was unaware of or unaffected by
the political and social upheaval of her day. The idea that she
centers her novels on the social classes with which she was most
familiar is not entirely the case, although she had occasion to
observe members of the gentry and aristocracy whose circumstances
resembled those of some of the characters who populate her novels.
Whether her own life was perfectly serene is questionable: Most
lives, no matter how uneventful in retrospect, have their
vicissitudes.
At the very least, Austen and her family must
have had concerns over the tumultuous historical events that
unsettled the British nation during their lifetime. She was born in
1775, the year that marked the beginning of the American
Revolution. Several decades later, she would read newspaper
accounts of another British conflict with the new American nation
in the War of 1812, which began as she finished revising Pride
and Prejudice. What must have played significantly in Austen’s
imagination, as in the mind of every Briton, was the ongoing war
with Napoleon’s forces, which marked the culmination of a century
of conflicts between Britain and France, and which ended, with the
Battle of Waterloo in June 1815, six months before her fortieth
birthday. The British fear of invasion by Napoleon, which endured
until 1805, caused concern even in the towns and villages that
seemed safest. Austen would have been aware of the billeting of
British militia troops in the English countryside, and she
certainly followed the career of her brother Henry, who had joined
the Oxford militia in 1793, when Britain’s latest war with France
erupted in the aftermath of the French Revolution. She must also
have taken a personal interest in the campaigns of the British
navy, which counted her brothers Francis and Charles among its
officers. To what extent she cared about daily political events is
difficult to discern, for her letters are marked by characteristic
irony. Of a newspaper report of an 1811 battle of the Peninsular
War, when Napoleon invaded Spain and Portugal in an effort to close
ports to British commerce, Austen declared, “How horrible it is to
have so many people killed!—And what a blessing that one cares for
none of them!” (Le Faye, Jane Austen’s Letters, p. 191; see
“For Further Reading”).
If history and politics in general, and the war
with France in particular, seem far removed from the affairs of
Austen’s novels, it is worth remembering that the militia and army
provide romantic distraction in the form of dashing young officers
for the two youngest Bennet sisters, Kitty and Lydia, in Pride
and Prejudice, while her final novel, Persuasion,
centers on the romantic interests of British naval officers. A
feature of Austen’s comic mode is that the events that produce the
greatest instability within the British nation are tamed into the
material of harmless social disarray that furthers the romantic
plot. We find the same process at work in other of her novels.
Several scholars have noted that the Bertram family estate of
Mansfield Park must be supported by the West Indian slave
economy and that Sir Thomas Bertram’s absence from his home in
England in order to protect his interests in Antigua provides the
occasion for the Bertram children and their friends to engage in
the mildly improper behavior that promotes comic disorder. We are
also reminded of local instability when Harriet Smith, of
Emma, is accosted by a band of gypsies and must be rescued
by Frank Churchill; the incident plays on commonly held fears of
the vagrants and highway-men who traveled the roads of
England.
Austen’s firsthand experiences of the world and
its momentous events seem limited if we consider her life in terms
of the travels that might have spurred her writer’s imagination.
Unlike many of her contemporaries whose literary work was enriched
by journeys to Scotland, Ireland, and the European continent,
Austen spent most of her relatively short life—she died in 1817 at
age forty-one, possibly of Addison’s disease or of a form of
lymphoma—in the small villages and towns and countryside of the
county of Hampshire, in the south of England. Despite several
visits to London, vacation tours throughout southern England, and
several years’ residence in the spa city of Bath and in the port
town of Southampton, Austen can hardly be called cosmopolitan, and,
in any case, she would have preferred to think of herself as
provincial, a description that better suits her sense of her
subject matter as a writer. In a letter to her niece Anna Austen,
an aspiring novelist, she dispensed the now famous advice that “3
or 4 Families in a Country Village is the very thing to work on”
(Letters, p. 275).
Austen’s life appears to have been relatively
untroubled, although there must have been painful episodes. The
daughter of a respectable Anglican clergyman, she was the seventh
of eight children in what appears to have been a happy, stable
family. There were, however, financial troubles, and the Reverend
George Austen was obliged to add to his income by establishing a
boarding school for boys in the Austen home and by borrowing money
from his sister and her husband. Further, as Austen’s biographer
Claire Tomalin points out, even though the family was close,
several of the children spent a considerable amount of time living
away from home, which, though not unusual for the gentry and
professional classes at this time, was probably disorienting for
Austen and her siblings. One of her six brothers, George, was
disabled—possibly a deaf-mute—and was sent from home for most of
his long life. Jane, too, was sent from home, first to a village
nurse and later to two boarding schools that, if they resembled the
typical girls’ schools of that era, were characterized by bad food,
dull teachers, and an atmosphere ripe for one epidemic or another.
Along with her older sister, Cassandra, the seven-year-old Jane
spent only two seasons at the first institution, where she nearly
died from a contagious fever that spread through the school. At age
nine, she was sent to a second school, which, if not damaging, was
not beneficial either. Although her parents chose to terminate her
formal education when she was ten, her father gave her access to
his library of some five hundred volumes, and he encouraged his
daughter’s literary interests. It was he, in fact, who first tried,
unsuccessfully, in 1797, to have an early version of Pride and
Prejudice published.
Austen’s immediate family was solidly
professional, unlike that of her heroine Elizabeth Bennet, whose
father is a member of the gentry, which is to say that his wealth
is inherited and tied to land ownership, rather than earned through
work or commerce. Austen’s eldest brother, James, followed his
father into the ministry, while Henry, the brother who served for
several years in the militia, turned next to banking, and then,
when his bank failed, followed his father and elder brother into
the ministry. The two naval officers, Francis and Charles, both
rose to the rank of admiral. Austen’s father and brothers were
hardworking, responsible, family-oriented men, so it makes sense
that in Pride and Prejudice Austen satirizes snobbish and
frivolous members of those classes above hers, the gentry and the
aristocracy, who would have looked down upon her own immediate
family, just as she paints an unsympathetic portrait of the haughty
social climber Caroline Bingley, who fancies herself a member of
the gentry, even though her family’s wealth was made “in trade,” or
through commerce. Nor, if we consider Austen’s own unaffected
outlook, is it surprising that the most sensible characters in the
novel, Mr. and Mrs. Gardiner, not only make their money in trade
but are apparently not embarrassed to live near their warehouse.
Elizabeth Bennet herself descends from lower gentry, on her
father’s side, while her maternal grandfather was an
attorney.
Despite her allegiance to professionals and
businessmen, Austen clearly had respect for what she would have
regarded as the nobler values of the landed gentry and aristocracy,
particularly the sense of social responsibility and decorum that
are implicitly endorsed by the narrator and main characters of the
novel. Although these values are fostered through the preservation
of a strict social hierarchy, they do not happen to thwart the
aspirations of the fictional Elizabeth Bennet, and thus modern
readers need never confront the injustices of an English society
that remained wary of the new democratic values espoused in America
and France and among English radicals. Moreover, even if Austen’s
own immediate family fell socially and economically a degree below
that of her central fictional characters, her family connections
made the upper orders not wholly unknown to her. Austen’s mother,
Cassandra Leigh Austen, was descended from a distinguished family
and was related to the duke of Chandos. Austen’s first cousin,
Eliza Hancock, was goddaughter to Warren Hastings, the eminent
statesman and governor of British India, and wife to a member of
the French nobility, Count Jean François Capot de Feuillide, who
was guillotined during the Reign of Terror. Austen’s brother Edward
was literally adopted into the British gentry when Thomas and
Catherine Knight, second cousins of the Austens, took an interest
in him, obtained permission to raise him, and, finding themselves
childless, ultimately made him heir to their splendid estate of
Godmersham Park in Kent.
Austen’s own situation in a family of
well-connected professionals was somewhat precarious, for she
remained unmarried in an age when women depended largely on male
relatives for support. Her father and brothers, however, with their
strong sense of family responsibility, must have made her feel more
secure than the typical “spinster” would have felt. She and her
sister Cassandra, who also remained unmarried and was Jane’s
closest friend and confidante, were initially dependent on their
father, and then, after his death in 1805, on a small annuity and
on the generosity of their brothers. Jane Austen had always lived
in her father’s house; upon his death, she, her sister, and their
mother took up lodgings and visited extensively with relatives and
friends for three years. The women eventually settled in the
Hampshire village of Chawton, in a house made available to them by
Edward. Austen spent the final eight years of her life at Chawton,
and it was from this house that she published her novels.
Given how centered her novels are on the marriage
plot and how family-oriented her immediate society was, it is worth
commenting on Austen’s choice to remain single. In 1802, she
received and accepted a proposal from Harris Bigg-Wither, a
pleasant young man, Oxford educated and heir to the impressive
Manydown estate in Hampshire, close to Austen’s family home at
Steventon. She quickly changed her mind, however, and rejected the
proposal the day after having accepted it. It seems that while Jane
liked Harris, she was not in love with him, and this was enough to
give her pause. Her decision was remarkable, for even though
romantic love had increasingly become an acceptable incentive for
marriage, Austen was a dutiful daughter who lived in an age when
friendship, economic motive, family ties, and religious duty were
at least as compelling as personal choice. In declining Harris
Bigg-Wither’s proposal, Austen made a choice not nearly so dramatic
in its disregard for economic considerations as that of her
fictional heroine Elizabeth Bennet in declining Mr. Darcy, but one
that was similarly impractical. It is hard to say whether Austen
simply flew in the face of convention and unwisely put her economic
future at risk, or whether she knew that with so many successful
and dutiful brothers someone would maintain her somehow.
Claire Tomalin suggests that Austen compared
Harris Bigg-Wither unfavorably to Tom Lefroy, to whom she had had a
romantic attachment several years earlier, one severed by his
relatives, who were concerned about the imprudence of such a
match—Austen was, after all, no heiress. Now that she was heading
into her late twenties and had grown accustomed to life as a
spinster aunt, it is also possible that Austen took a long, hard
look at motherhood and decided that its joys were not worth the
grief. Throughout the eighteenth century and long afterward, the
mortality rates for newborns and women during childbirth was high.
The trend in British society to encourage frequent and numerous
pregnancies put women at even greater risk. In 1808 Austen’s
brother Edward’s wife, Elizabeth, died giving birth to her eleventh
child. Her brother Charles’s wife, Fanny, died during childbirth in
1814, at age twenty-four, with her fourth child, who also died
several weeks later. In 1823, a few years after Austen’s own death,
her brother Francis’s wife, Mary, died giving birth to her eleventh
child. Understandably, Austen’s letters demonstrate a mixed
attitude toward marriage and motherhood. To her niece Fanny Knight,
Austen wrote shortly before her own death that “Single Women have a
dreadful propensity for being poor—which is one very strong
argument in favour of Matrimony.” On the other hand, she continued
with sage advice, “Do not be in a hurry; depend upon it, the right
Man will come at last. . . . And then, by not beginning the
business of Mothering quite so early in life, you will be young in
Constitution, spirits, figure & countenance.” Earlier she had
cautioned Fanny against entering into a marriage of convenience by
remarking, “When I consider . . . how capable you are . . . of
being really in love . . . I cannot wish you to be fettered”
(Letters, pp. 332, 286).
While it was not unheard of for a woman to have
both a family and a writing career in the eighteenth century, it
was undoubtedly the case that Austen’s marital status made her
writing life much easier. There is, however, no evidence to suggest
that she deliberately chose to forsake marriage in order to write
books about it. In fact, the extent to which Austen actually saw
herself as a writer, as someone whose identity was shaped through
her writing and who might have been interested in earning money or
fame by doing so, is a matter of debate. She may have described
herself, with alternating irony and seriousness, as someone who
took up the pen in her idle hours, the way one might take up fancy
needlework or china painting. Yet she clearly had a lifelong
passion for writing—she authored an impressive collection of
juvenilia as well as mature novels—and it seems difficult to
believe that she regarded her art as a mere hobby, even if she did
not flaunt her gifts publicly. If she did not claim the kind of
psychological and material entitlement, the room of one’s own that
in the early twentieth century Virginia Woolf would identify as
essential for women writers, she did come to depend on the money
her novels earned. She became, whether she wished it or not, a
professional writer in an age when the market in novels by women
and for women was already well established. Pride and
Prejudice was published anonymously, as were the works of many
women writers to whom publicity seemed indelicate, and while Austen
did not court fame, she nevertheless created a stir with her first
publication, Sense and Sensibility (1811).
Austen’s second published novel, Pride and
Prejudice, appeared at the beginning of 1813, after having been
revised the previous year. A first version of the novel, the
manuscript of which is now lost, had been written many years
earlier, between October 1796 and August 1797. Austen called that
early version “First Impressions,” a suggestive title that draws
upon stock associations with conduct books to point a moral lesson:
One’s first impressions of character should be mistrusted or at
least managed with caution; opinion and judgment must be formed
through careful reflection and consultation. Although rooted in a
didactic message about first impressions, Austen’s exploration of
the subsequent themes of pride and prejudice is far more textured
than any superficial association with conduct manuals would
suggest. The phrase “pride and prejudice” held currency in
eighteenth-century literature, but, as the editor R. W. Chapman has
shown, Austen appears to have borrowed it most immediately from the
closing pages of Frances Burney’s novel Cecilia. (In
addition to reading the Bible and Shakespeare, Austen inherited a
formidable tradition of eighteenth-century works, and the novels of
Burney and Samuel Richardson appear to have influenced her
considerably; she also turned to popular didactic tales and moral
essays for her subject matter and was especially fond of the
writings of Dr. Johnson.)
With good reason, scholars have typically viewed
pride and prejudice in Austen’s novel as distinctly unfavorable
qualities, for when the narrator and principal characters evoke
“pride” and “prejudice,” the terms have primarily unfavorable
connotations, as they do in the world at large. To be sure, Austen
assails family pride and social prejudice through the merciless
portraits of self-centered individuals. By exposing Mrs. Bennet’s
tribalism and Lady Catherine’s snobbery, she offers an amusing
indictment of polite society. It should give us pause, however,
that Elizabeth Bennet’s overly bookish sister, Mary, pontificates
against pride by imitating the trite morality of conduct manuals.
(What a shame that Mr. Collins hadn’t thought to marry her.)
That is, if Austen calls undue pride and prejudice into question,
she also regards shallow pieties about those qualities with
irony.
Moreover, for an author whose comic closure
depends upon an affirmation of the values of the gentry and
aristocracy, pride is not simply arrogance. Rather, it marks a
legitimate sense that one’s exalted position in society makes one
accountable to uphold those values and to behave in a manner worthy
of one’s rank. Under a gentleman’s code of honor, the vestiges of
which still existed in Austen’s day, pride is closely affiliated
with valor and strength of character. Prejudice, too, does not
always signify a tendency to make careless, hasty, or harmful
judgments. Writing in 1790 on the revolution in France he so
deplored, Edmund Burke regarded prejudice as a protection of
time-honored custom and the consensus of generations of wise and
noble minds, while the revolutionary individual’s so-called reason,
by contrast, is prone to error and narrow self-interest.
“Prejudice,” Burke wrote, “renders a man’s virtue his habit. . . .
Through just prejudice, his duty becomes part of his nature”
(Reflections on the Revolution in France, p. 76). Burke’s
appeal to virtue, duty, and tradition would have resonated with
Austen’s society in the early nineteenth century, when the
revolutionary language of Britain’s radical thinkers of the
previous generation, considered seditious in the 1790s, was still
regarded with suspicion. The notion of affirming pride and
prejudice, even in moderation, may be difficult for today’s readers
to accept, but Austen did not live in a democratic society, where
pride and prejudice surely thrive but where they are not usually
regarded as necessary components of political and social
organization. In Austen’s world, these qualities of discrimination
helped to preserve the correct social alliances and were integral
to the stability of the order of things, even when exhilarating—or
menacing—new possibilities for social mobility began to impinge
upon the consciousness and writings of English provincials such as
Austen.
The exploration of pride and prejudice through
Austen’s principal characters, Elizabeth and Darcy, is
instructional but also multifaceted. The heroine’s early prejudices
against Darcy and in favor of Wickham—an inappropriate set of
judgments formed by Elizabeth’s having put too much weight on first
impressions and circumstantial evidence—are made possible by an
excess of pride in her own ability to read character. Darcy’s pride
of place, his disdain for social inferiors who lack a proper sense
of their own provincialism, leads to a blanket prejudice against
nearly every local at the assembly room ball. And yet there is
something defensible in these weaknesses: Elizabeth proves herself
a thoughtful judge of character in most instances, while Darcy is
not entirely amiss in his estimation of a party of lower gentry who
are eager to ape the manners of the great but who lack the true
social refinement that he himself possesses. In this novel of
emotional growth, pride and prejudice are not flaws for Elizabeth
and Darcy to overcome but character traits that require minor
adjustments before the couple can recognize each other’s merits and
live happily together.
Even when pride and prejudice impair judgment,
Elizabeth and Darcy remain principled, perceptive, and admirably
strong-minded. As Darcy puts it, in a critique of his friend Mr.
Bingley’s complaisance, “To yield without conviction is no
compliment to [one’s] understanding” (p. 50), while Elizabeth
declares of herself that “There is a stubbornness about me that
never can bear to be frightened at the will of others. My courage
always rises with every attempt to intimidate me” (p. 173). This
strength of personality—she calls it her “impertinence” and he “the
liveliness of your mind” (p. 367)—draws an initially unimpressed
Darcy to Elizabeth. Further, when evidence presents itself,
Elizabeth is able to turn her keen powers of perception inward.
Through Darcy’s letter to her, she quickly recognizes her errors,
which ability sets her apart from someone like her own undiscerning
mother. Although the scene of humiliation and painful
self-recognition—“Till this moment, I never knew myself” (p.
205)—that follows Elizabeth’s reading of the letter is more the
stuff of Greek tragedy than of the novel of manners, its presence
in the narrative demonstrates that Elizabeth has the capacity for
introspection.
Pride and prejudice seem an almost indispensable
set of character traits, or qualities worth cultivating, when we
detect the effects of their virtual absence from the personalities
of Jane and Mr. Bingley, both of whose easy manners and thorough
failures to discriminate put a nearly permanent end to their
relationship. Early in the novel, Elizabeth finds Jane too
self-effacing, too good-natured, and not critical enough: “You are
a great deal too apt, you know, to like people in general. You
never see a fault in any body. All the world are good and agreeable
in your eyes. I never heard you speak ill of a human being in my
life” (p. 16). This assessment may say as much about Elizabeth’s
own forcefulness of personality as it does about Jane’s easygoing
manners, but Elizabeth has a point. In this instance, Elizabeth is
teasing, but she also means what she says, especially when it
becomes apparent that Jane wrongly considers the Bingley sisters as
agreeable as she does their brother. It is this particular fault
that nearly undoes Jane’s romance with Bingley, for the Bingley
sisters, her professed friends, have snubbed her long before she
realizes it; once she does, her mild manners prevent her from
asserting her own interests with their brother. Bingley, too, shows
a “want of resolution” (p. 136) to protect his own affairs of the
heart. When Darcy misconstrues Jane’s quiet amiability as lack of
sufficient interest in Bingley, he easily manipulates his friend
into leaving Netherfield and Jane’s presence.
One could argue that the presence of professional
and commercial men and women in the novel should militate against
the easy acceptance not only of pride and prejudice but of other
characteristics of the gentry. Even though members of professional
and commercial society appear in the novel, however, they aspire to
the lifestyle of the gentry and adopt its values and habits. We do
not find Austen’s characters embracing those qualities that were
well established as virtues and self-consciously adopted among
middle-class reformers in her day—efficiency, frugality,
punctuality, self-reliance, and the work ethic—and that she herself
may have prized. In fact, when we look at the world of the novel,
we see hardly any work being done or business being transacted.
Certainly, when a team of horses is unavailable to be harnessed to
the carriage that might convey Jane Bennet to Netherfield, we
become vaguely aware that Mr. Bennet is a gentleman farmer who
oversees a working farm. But Austen chooses not to introduce us to
farmhands at work, as novelists of social realism would do a
generation after hers. We are also very much aware of the presence
of soldiers who presumably engage in training exercises if not in
actual warfare, but we see them only as dancers at the ball and as
romantic distractions for idle young ladies. We become acquainted
with the man of commerce Mr. Gardiner only when he is on a holiday
tour, and we never actually behold Mr. Collins ministering to his
parishioners. In fact, Mr. Collins’s identity as a clergyman is
construed solely in terms of the house and property the living
brings him. Nor do we hear of commerce in action, except for the
occasional ironic reference, as when Lydia Bennet, living out the
absurd logic of England’s relatively new consumer culture, buys a
hat she knows is ugly simply for the sake of spending money.
What Austen foregrounds throughout the novel is a
culture of leisure. In an age when the values of the gentry and
aristocracy still prevailed, leisure was understood not only as a
respite from labor, as it would have been for those who had to work
for a living, but as a way of life that had its own virtues and
failings. As in the worlds of classical Greece and Rome so admired
by the eighteenth-century society into which Austen was born, a
life of leisure at one’s country seat—construed as “retirement”
from the daily concerns of commerce and petty political and
financial intrigue in London—was considered essential for any
gentleman who would take on the responsibilities of disinterested
participation in politics and the administration of empire.
Especially in the early eighteenth-century of Austen’s
grandparents, known in poetry as the Augustan Age for its
neoclassical values, those who depended on income from sources
other than land—that is, commercial or professional interests—would
have seemed compromised in their ability to rise above the concern
for personal gain to serve the public good. The country gentry,
however, whose values were articulated by Lord Bolingbroke and
Augustan poets such as Alexander Pope, regarded themselves as being
at leisure for virtuous study and reflection, and as having the
power to rise above the corruption, favoritism, and factional-ism
that dominated London politics.
In Pride and Prejudice, Mr. Darcy provides
the model for the virtuous country gentleman, even though he keeps
a house and has acquaintances in London. While we never see Mr.
Darcy in his role as keeper of the public interest, or managing his
estate, we feel assured that he is the kind of man who inhabits his
country estate responsibly. When Darcy negotiates the Lydia-Wickham
elopement crisis with authority and competence, we sense that he
manages all his life’s affairs with similar capability. That he
husbands his estate well becomes clear when the touring party of
Elizabeth Bennet and the Gardiners arrives at Pemberley to find
grounds that, in accordance with the standards for
eighteenth-century British taste in landscape design, seem natural
and unpretentious. Such simple elegance was understood to reflect
the values and temperament of the owner, as Pope had made clear in
his poem on house and grounds aesthetics, the “Epistle to Richard
Boyle, Earl of Burlington,” in which he argued against frivolous
and impractical estates but applauded the taste in design and
architecture of men of sense. It is also quickly apparent that
Darcy is a good estate manager because he commands the allegiance
and respect of his servants, as Elizabeth and the Gardiners soon
learn during their interview with the housekeeper. When, in
response to her sister Jane’s question concerning when she first
started to love Darcy, Elizabeth quips that “I believe I must date
it from my first seeing his beautiful grounds at Pemberley” (p.
361), she is being ironic, but there is a part of her that surely
must have been swayed by seeing property that is not only
magnificent but graceful. If, in Darcy’s presence, she cannot see
past what she takes to be his inexcusable pride, she must recognize
during her visit to his well-ordered estate that he is a man of
principles and generosity.
While country retirement may have been essential
to the life of the worthy gentleman, Austen also offers us a
glimpse of the corrupt side of leisure and its symptoms of moral
dissolution—luxury and indolence. Despite his good nature, Sir
William Lucas demonstrates the affectation of the newly titled in
part by abandoning his commercial interests, the success of which
had resulted in his public prominence and his knighthood. He is
raising a young heir who promises to become as debauched as his
father’s fortune will allow, dreaming, as he does already at this
tender age, of keeping foxhounds and drinking a daily bottle of
wine, should he ever find himself as wealthy as Mr. Darcy. Austen
turns her gentle wit on the pretensions of parvenu gentry, but she
frowns somewhat more severely upon the shortcomings of the
aristocratic matron. Although well established in her rank, Lady
Catherine is too easily flattered by Mr. Collins, and her behavior
makes it clear that she lacks the genuine good breeding and
strength of character of her nephew, Mr. Darcy. Unlike the
understated elegance of Darcy’s Pemberley, Lady Catherine’s solemn
residence is designed to inspire a discomfiting sense of awe among
her visitors. That one of the drawing rooms boasts a “chimney-piece
[that] alone had cost eight hundred pounds” (p. 76) serves both to
exemplify the ostentation of Rosings Park and to make Mr. Collins’s
behavior seem all the more preposterous, for it is he who basks in
the reflected glory of his patron’s estate by savoring its every
sumptuous detail, including this one.
If leisured society can be extravagant, it can
also be lazy. For example, Mr. Bingley’s brother-in-law, Mr. Hurst,
“a man of more fashion than fortune” (p. 18), seems entirely
incapable of any exertion except eating and playing cards, a fact
that Austen humorously establishes as evidence of his perfect
lethargy. At Netherfield, when Elizabeth Bennet chooses reading
over a game of loo, he is nonplussed. Lacking any interior life
himself, Mr. Hurst cannot imagine how one could take pleasure in an
activity that is solitary and that might require reflection.
Austen’s character sketch reaches its ironic limit when, upon
finding the rest of his party unwilling to play cards, Mr. Hurst
“had, therefore, nothing to do, but to stretch himself on one of
the sofas and go to sleep” (p. 54). In fact, the sorts of leisure
activities characters engage in—card playing, dancing, singing,
piano playing, walking, conversation, letter writing, reading—may
be taken in particular instances to indicate their moral fiber and
social inclinations. Generally speaking, the exemplary character is
one whose leisure activities imply a willingness to balance private
reflection against community-minded sociability. At fault are such
characters as Mr. Hurst, whose leisure suggests he lacks a capacity
for autonomous thought or action, but also Mary, whose excessive
attention to books and piano playing marks an untoward
self-absorption.
In contrast, Elizabeth and Darcy are both
introspective and fully socialized, even if Darcy refuses to be
pleasant to those whom he considers his social inferiors. Both are
adept conversationalists, and their verbal sallies display their
intelligence, wit, and powers of perception. Elizabeth is also a
competent pianist—good enough to entertain company but not so
exceptional as to take herself seriously as an artist. Both
Elizabeth and Darcy enjoy reading, which should predispose Austen’s
audience to like them. But Elizabeth is quick to disown any
pretension to being an intellectual, which is the flaw of her
sister Mary. By contrast, the unsympathetic Caroline Bingley seems
incapable of focusing on a book, and she pretends to enjoy reading
only when she believes it will help to impress Mr. Darcy. Mr.
Bingley, for whom we feel a measure of affection, does not read
either, and we may take this fact as a sign that he lacks the depth
of his friend Darcy. Or course, Bingley must be worthy of the
heroine’s kind sister and cannot, therefore, be laughable or
insipid, like Mr. Hurst; rather, Bingley lacks substance in an
amiable, happy-go-lucky way. The characters’ discussion of
inclinations toward reading also leads the Netherfield set to
render opinions on libraries. Mr. Darcy sees it as an obligation to
augment his family’s library collection “in such days as these” (p.
39), an allusion, presumably, to the cultural decay of Britain
wrought by the rise of a philistine commercial society that
forsakes the liberal arts in favor of market culture. Caroline
Bingley, by contrast, sees family libraries as so much grand
furniture. No doubt finding the book cover more valuable than the
book, she esteems Mr. Darcy’s library for its enhancement of the
prestige of the household.
Walking is the other leisure activity that
clearly distinguishes Elizabeth Bennet from Caroline Bingley, whose
idea of exercise is to gossip as she takes a turn about the drawing
room or the shrubbery, and whose exertion is entirely motivated by
her romantic interest in Mr. Darcy. Elizabeth enjoys solitary
rambles that allow her time for reflection, so it is no hardship
when she takes a brisk three-mile walk through fields and over
puddles to visit her sister Jane at Netherfield during the latter’s
illness. Elizabeth’s fortitude in walking, a consequence of her
concern for her sister’s health, has the unintended effect of
invigorating the torpid company at Netherfield, if only because her
activity seems so brazen to them. Her animation captivates Mr.
Darcy and rankles Caroline Bingley, who takes Elizabeth’s brief
adventure “to show an abominable sort of conceited independence, a
most country-town indifference to decorum” (p. 37). Still,
Elizabeth is no romantic heroine of the sort who would be fashioned
by Charlotte Brontë several decades later. The sphere of action in
Austen’s novel of manners is circumscribed enough so that it would
be shocking indeed were Elizabeth, like Brontë’s Jane Eyre, to
wander despondently about the English countryside, exhausted and
starving. Elizabeth’s own burst of romantic enthusiasm—“What are
men to rocks and mountains?” (p. 154)—subsides quickly
enough.
If Austen’s attention to the culture of leisure
serves to call into question the values of the landed elite even as
it reinforces them, the marriage plot complicates the outlook of
the novel further still. With respect to social class, the hero and
heroine are worlds apart—or so they appear in Darcy’s estimation.
At Netherfield, Darcy finds that Elizabeth has “attracted him more
than he liked” (p. 60), and he thus resolves to regulate his
feelings toward her. Elizabeth’s station in life and the “total
want of propriety” (p. 196) among her family members make the match
ill-advised, if not untenable, as Darcy callously points out in
proposing marriage to her against his better judgment. He is
astounded not only that Elizabeth rejects him—in that respect he is
no better than Mr. Collins, whose earlier proposal is made with
equal confidence in her acceptance—but that his explanation of his
initial reluctance has caused offense. That Darcy fails to consider
that Elizabeth might actually be offended by a proposal that opens
with the suitor’s expression of his disdain for her inferior social
connections and his efforts to overcome his love for her suggests
that the insuperable gulf he perceives between them seems to him
perfectly natural. For her part, Elizabeth knows full well the
subtle distinctions that define rank in her society, and it is more
his tactlessness than his pointing out an obvious fact of social
hierarchy that infuriates her.
It is also the case that Elizabeth has a healthy
sense of her own entitlement. As she proudly remarks to Lady
Catherine, Mr. Darcy “is a gentleman; I am a gentleman’s daughter;
so far we are equal” (p. 331). At Rosings, when Sir William Lucas
and his daughter Maria are daunted by the prospect of their
encounter with the redoubtable Lady Catherine, we find that
Elizabeth, by contrast, “had heard nothing of Lady Catherine that
spoke her awful from any extraordinary talents or miraculous
virtue, and the mere stateliness of money and rank she thought she
could witness without trepidation” (p. 161). In the society of this
novel, talent and manners—that is, truly good breeding, rather than
affectation—ultimately trump birth and social connections. Even Mr.
Darcy endorses this view, as Elizabeth observes. Indeed, when the
lovers finally reconcile their differences, Elizabeth teases Darcy
that her “impertinence” appeals to him because he is “sick of
civility, of deference, of officious attention” (p. 367). Darcy’s
ennui, however, should be taken not as a tacit authorization of a
new democratic outlook but rather of a meritocratic one. That is,
the values of the gentry and the aristocracy are reinforced even as
their membership becomes infused with the blood of the professional
classes, which would seem to undermine the restrictive claims upon
which the upper classes predicate their existence. The possibility
that Mr. Darcy might marry his frail cousin, Miss Anne de Bourgh,
in order to consolidate their estates is presented as an outmoded
aristocratic notion, not to be taken seriously by the new
generation.
What makes the lovers’ attitudes possible is that
the real consequences of social rank are diminished by the
conventions of romantic comedy. A typical feature of the comic
novel is that powerful social distinctions upheld in everyday life
tend to be suspended in an effort to further the plot. Within the
safe space of the novel, such comic upheavals create exciting
possibilities for minor social transgressions; at the same time, in
the novel’s conclusion, the existing order becomes reaffirmed. In
this case, the reaffirmation happens as Elizabeth becomes absorbed
into Darcy’s world. It is standard comic fare that the potentially
formidable member of the ruling class who might prevent the budding
romance— here, Lady Catherine—turns out to be a relatively
powerless busybody who depends on weak-minded followers to
reinforce her sense of her own importance. Lady Catherine, in fact,
resembles the stock type of aging woman tenaciously clinging to her
diminished power, a familiar character found in Restoration comic
drama, as well as in the mid-eighteenth-century novels of Henry
Fielding and Samuel Richardson.
Whatever its social and comic implications, the
marriage plot is the chief concern throughout the novel, and there
is a sense of urgency about forging the right unions that motivates
the action of the entire book. The ironic opening gambit—“It is a
truth universally acknowledged, that a single man in possession of
a good fortune must be in want of a wife”—rehearses the
epigrammatic wisdom of a gossip-driven community comprising women
like Mrs. Bennet, who is herself eager to enhance the prestige of
her family by marrying her daughters well. Prestige and social
connection, however, are not the only motivating forces in this
neighborhood or within the Bennet household. In the idealistic
world of the romantic comedy, Mrs. Bennet’s ambition to see her
daughters nicely settled appears a simple matter of crude
one-upmanship with Lady Lucas. Thus, when Mr. Bennet teases his
wife rather unkindly over her preoccupation with finding eligible
suitors, the reader is amused. We forget, though, that Mr. Bennet’s
own first question about the newly arrived Mr. Bingley concerns his
marital status, which suggests either that Mr. Bennet is baiting
his wife or that his apparent indifference on the matter is
feigned. Mr. Bennet, of course, should be concerned about the
marriage question. As the narrator informs us later, he regrets
having spent all his disposable income, instead of reserving a
portion of it to protect his daughters’ financial future. It hardly
excuses him that he had assumed he would have a son whose
coming-of-age would nullify the “entail”—that is, the legal
document that places restrictions on who may inherit his estate.
(In the absence of male heirs, women could typically inherit an
estate but not if an entail existed barring them from doing so.) As
endearing a character as Mr. Bennet is, he has not behaved
responsibly as a father, a fact that becomes all the more apparent
when Lydia, who has had very little in the way of sensible parental
guidance, elopes with Wickham, thereby, as Lady Catherine observes,
jeopardizing the marriage prospects of her four sisters in a world
that still cares about the taint of family reputation: “Not Lydia
only, but all were concerned in it” (p. 272).
Mrs. Bennet does not seem such a buffoon when we
consider that her daughters really will be in dire straits should
they not marry. The entail of the Bennet estate to Mr. Collins
guarantees not only that the house and grounds will no longer be
available to the Bennet women but that their yearly income will be
considerably reduced. In fact, without one sister well established
in marriage before the death of Mr. Bennet, it would be difficult
for any of the five to maintain the condition of a gentlewoman at
all. Having one sister comfortably married, however, could create a
measure of financial security for the others and might help,
through the social connections established, to ensure a succession
of respectable marriages in the family. The possibility that, in
lieu of marriage, these young women might become governesses and
thereby preserve a tenuous connection to the gentry is simply not a
viable option in this novel, where working for a living, even in
relatively genteel circumstances, is a fate worse than marriage to
Mr. Collins. If we put aside the romantic ideal of the novel and
look at the material reality, Mrs. Bennet’s frustration with
Elizabeth for declining Mr. Collins’s proposal is entirely
reasonable: Had Elizabeth accepted her distant cousin’s hand, she
could have preserved her father’s estate for herself and for her
unmarried sisters.
Nor, for that matter, does the other ostensibly
foolish character of the novel, Mr. Collins himself, seem so
oblivious in refusing to acknowledge Elizabeth’s rejection of his
proposal. He may be pompous, but he is also practical, and he knows
minutely the details of Elizabeth’s meager future inheritance. The
idea that she might turn him down is simply inconceivable to him,
for, as he rightly points out, given her family circumstances, she
may never receive another offer. That she declines Mr. Darcy’s
first proposal, is, in practical terms, even more astonishing.
Remaining single after her parents’ deaths might mean an annual
income of £40 (4 percent annual interest, as Mr. Collins estimates
it, on a £1,000 share of her mother’s legacy), a portion of which
would go toward renting a room somewhere in the village. Marriage
to Mr. Darcy, by stark contrast, would mean having at her disposal
a reputed £10,000 annually, plus the amenities of Pemberley, the
house in London, the carriages, the servants, and so forth. It is
difficult to convert these sums into the modern British pound or
American dollar, in part thanks to inflation but mostly because the
nineteenth-century economy and culture are so very different from
ours, but suffice it to say that Elizabeth, in declining Mr. Darcy,
has rejected fantastic wealth for the likelihood of a quite modest
existence, far beneath that to which she has become
accustomed.
The conventions of romantic comedy, however, do
not allow us to focus on the folly of Elizabeth’s decision to
follow her heart and her principles or to dwell for very long on
the grim financial future of these five unwed women. The narrator,
in fact, offers no sustained commentary on how limited the options
are for women in this society. The only real defenses of women’s
moral and legal entitlement to inherit property fall from the lips
of the two caricatural aging women: Mrs. Bennet, who refuses to
recognize the legality of the entail that will disinherit herself
and her daughters, and Lady Catherine, who opines, “I see no
occasion for entailing estates from the female line” (p. 164). The
romantic narrative would also lead us to believe that Elizabeth
should indeed be true to herself, for there is something terribly
dull about the financially “prudent” marriage, and something
disgraceful about the “mercenary” one, although the two motives
amount to the same thing, as Elizabeth explains to Mrs. Gardiner
(p. 153). The prospect of repudiating the desire for romance and
settling for “a comfortable home,” as Charlotte Lucas has done (p.
125), is represented to be a fairly dismal choice, which is one
reason why the novel looks so very different from the conservative
morality tales that were popular in this period. Austen’s narrator
tends to see the world from Elizabeth Bennet’s perspective, and so,
therefore, do we, and the plot reconciliation confirms the
legitimacy of this view. When the two elder Bennet sisters finally
become engaged, we know that Elizabeth’s match is better than
Jane’s, not because Darcy is the master of Pemberley and has twice
the annual income of Bingley, but because, as Elizabeth compares
the two sisters’ relative happiness, “she only smiles, I laugh” (p.
369).
That this resolution glosses over Elizabeth’s
early attraction to Wickham, who is now married to her thoughtless
sister Lydia, and her prior antipathy toward Darcy—a dislike so
pronounced that Jane can hardly accept her sister’s subsequent
avowal of love for him—is not altogether justified by Elizabeth’s
recent maturity or by the evidence that comes to light about
Wickham’s and Darcy’s respective characters. At the very least,
Elizabeth’s change of heart suggests that she is far more rational
in romantic matters than one might think the passionate and
idealistic side of her nature would allow. But it is the role of
the comic ending to obscure inappropriate desires and inconvenient
hostilities in order to establish the alliances that will secure a
stable and joyous future. What distinguishes the conclusion of
Austen’s great novel from that of lesser comic fare is that, as we
turn the final pages, the new community established at Pemberley
and at the nearby Bingley estate, by the characters we have come to
know so well, seems to us both plausible and reassuring.
Carol Howard has published essays on
early British and contemporary African-American women writers and
has coedited two books on British writers (1996, 1997). Chair of
the English Department at Warren Wilson College, her current book
project traces the tension between the desire for freedom and for
stability in British women’s writings about slavery and empire,
from 1688 to 1805. She was educated at SUNY Purchase and Columbia
University, where she received her Ph.D. in 1999, and she now lives
in Black Mountain, North Carolina, with her husband and two
daughters.